August 2026

Structural Signals

What State Legislative Action Reveals About the Future of Education in 2026

A BELLWETHER RAPID FIELD ANALYSIS

Bellwether’s Rapid Field Analysis focus area provides timely, actionable analysis of fast-moving issues, emerging trends, and developments in education to help leaders understand what is changing, why it matters, and what it means for policy and practice.

 

Executive Summary

Every legislative session, state lawmakers across the country pass hundreds of K-12 education bills. Most handle the ordinary business of running school systems: nutrition, facilities, transportation, teacher pay, and countless other topics. “Structural Signals” is not about those pieces of legislation. Instead, this series examines a narrower question: Where does 2026 legislative activity suggest longer-term shifts in how education systems are organized?

To answer it, Bellwether scanned K-12 legislation across all 50 states and the District of Columbia, focusing on three structural policy areas that highlight emerging trends where the impact on students, providers, and system leaders will likely grow over time:

  • Funding Portability and Provider Expansion: Letting public education dollars follow students across settings, making it easier for new kinds of schools to open, and expanding choice options for students and families. 
  • Credentialing and Postsecondary Pathway Flexibility: Redefining what counts as learning and widening the routes students can take through school.
  • Artificial Intelligence (AI) Governance and System Modernization: Setting the rules for how schools use AI and student data. 

This analysis includes every 2026 state bill that passed at least one legislative chamber, not only those enacted into law. That broader scope is intentional: A bill that cleared one chamber but stalled before enactment still reflects real momentum and shows where policymakers are directing their attention (Appendix).

 

FUNDING PORTABILITY AND PROVIDER EXPANSION

The Maturing School Choice Landscape

School choice is growing up. Across roughly 130 bills, states spent less energy launching new programs and more energy making existing ones more durable.

Key Findings Implications for the Field
  • Open enrollment expanded, though several states attached new conditions rather than simply widening it.
  • States opened existing public programs (career and technical education [CTE], extracurriculars, Junior ROTC [JROTC]) to students who do not attend district schools.
  • States redesigned how choice dollars flow, rebuilding payment systems and administration for scale.
  • States lowered the barriers for new kinds of schools to open, from facilities access to who gets to approve them.
  • A handful of states wrote provider protections into law, limiting what regulators can touch once a provider joins a public program.
  • In many places, choice is becoming an operational reality to be managed, not just a political fight to be won.
  • When a provider should have to answer for itself, before it opens or after, remains unresolved, with states moving on both ends of the question.
  • District enrollment may be quietly losing its status as the gateway to public resources.

 

CREDENTIALING AND POSTSECONDARY PATHWAY FLEXIBILITY

Rewriting the Rules on Learning and Credentials

Across roughly 200 bills, states loosened the old default — put in the seat time, earn a district diploma — in several ways.

Key Findings Implications for the Field
  • States moved to clear the legal and structural barriers (e.g., liability, child-labor rules, licensing age floors) that keep work-based learning from scaling.
  • Dual enrollment drew fiscal scrutiny, with states broadening access in some places and capping credits or restricting delivery in others.
  • Industry credentials were repurposed as a way to fill CTE teaching vacancies, opening direct routes from the trades into the classroom.
  • The diploma itself is being rewritten: what it signals, how students earn it, and who can earn one.
  • States invested in the shared infrastructure (common applications, transcript standards, transfer guarantees) that makes pathways function.
  • Access is expanding more quickly than the systems that track whether it pays off, leaving states unable to tell which reforms actually work.
  • As the line between high school and postsecondary education dissolves, no agency or office is clearly managing the handoff.
  • As employers shift from consuming credentials to co-producing them, it is unclear who owns the credential, or who is accountable to the student if a job never materializes.

 

AI GOVERNANCE AND SYSTEM MODERNIZATION

Where Schools Draw the Line on AI

Across roughly 60 bills, the question shifted from whether AI belongs in schools to which decisions schools should refuse to hand off to it.

Key Findings Implications for the Field
  • Most AI bills clustered into now-familiar themes — acceptable-use policies, AI literacy, educator training, data protection — that are already well documented by others.
  • A smaller set went further, naming the decisions that must stay with people rather than machines:
        • In teacher evaluation, states kept AI out of the summative judgment on performance while allowing it for administrative support.
        • In student discipline and school safety, states barred automated systems from being the sole basis for action without independent human investigation.
        • In grading and feedback, states required educator oversight and kept AI from being the primary basis for grades, promotion, or retention.
  • Schools must draw a clear line between consequential decisions, which warrant firm human control, and routine practice and feedback, where lighter oversight keeps nimble AI worth having.
  • Laws written around the word “AI” will age badly as the technology blurs into ordinary software; rules tied to the consequential decision, and to who is accountable for it, will prove more durable.

 

Key Takeaways

This year was about maturing programs, not launching them. Across all three policy areas, most of the legislative energy went into managing, governing, and building the systems underneath K-12 programs rather than launching new ones. States rebuilt school choice payment systems and provider rules; invested in the transcript standards and transfer agreements that support multiple pathways; and moved from asking whether AI belongs in schools to drawing guardrails around it. In each case, the focus shifted from whether a program exists to whether the systems supporting it can hold up as it grows.

Expansion is outrunning the systems meant to support it. In every area, it is easier to widen access than to build the systems that make access pay off. Choice programs scale before their payment systems are ready; students gain new pathways before transcripts and transfer rules catch up; AI enters classrooms before anyone has decided which decisions it can touch. The recurring risk is that access keeps expanding while the systems needed to support it lag behind.

Accountability, accountability, accountability. Each brief returns to oversight and responsibility. When and where should a school choice provider answer for itself? Who owns a credential that an employer helped design, and who answers to the student if the job never materializes? Who is accountable for a consequential decision about a student that a machine helped make? As the boundaries that were used to assign responsibility erode (district enrollment as the gateway to resources, the line between high school and college, and the line between human and automated judgment), the question of who is answerable becomes the one worth watching across the entire field.

The Maturing School Choice Landscape

School choice is growing up. Across the 2026 legislative session, states spent less time creating new programs and more time strengthening the ones that exist — fixing how the money moves, who can open a school, and what regulators can and cannot touch. Bellwether tracked roughly 130 K-12 bills across two areas: funding portability, meaning the ability of public dollars to follow a student to whichever school or program they pick, and provider expansion, making it easier for new kinds of schools (charters, microschools) to open. Five themes stood out:

  1. Open Enrollment Expansion: Open enrollment, which lets a family send their child to a public school outside their home district, expanded in some states and picked up new conditions in others, as legislators start weighing what happens once portability scales up.
  2. District Program Access for Nondistrict Students: Several states opened up existing public programs, such as CTE courses, extracurriculars, and JROTC, to students who do not attend district schools, pushing back on the assumption that young people must be enrolled in a district school to use what it offers.
  3. Systems Improvements for Existing School Choice Programs: States with established school choice programs spent this session fixing how the money moves: redoing payment systems, restructuring administration, and preparing for scale. This is less exciting than launching a new program, but it often means the difference between a program that works on paper and one that works for families.
  4. Pathways for Opening New Types of Schools: More than a dozen states worked on making it easier for new kinds of schools to open: cutting red tape, improving access to facilities, and changing who gets to approve new schools. A few states pushed the opposite way, tightening oversight instead. 
  5. Protections for Private Providers in Choice Programs: A smaller group of states locked in legal protections that limit what regulators can do to private providers once they are part of a public choice program such as an education savings account (ESA), shaping how much oversight these programs get.

Collectively, these patterns surface questions for the field about where school choice is headed. 

Has the sector entered an era where school choice is no longer just a political fight but an operational reality that has to be carefully managed?

The legislative action in 2026 was not about launching new programs; it was about making existing ones durable. Payment systems, legal protections, provider entry rules: All of it is being rebuilt with an eye toward what happens when these programs scale and face legal challenges. That shows up across nearly every theme in this brief, from states rewriting how ESA dollars are disbursed to states locking in provider protections before a court forces the question. 

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
Legislative action to safeguard existing choice programs signals that the more consequential fights are shifting from whether the systems at the foundation of school choice should exist to whether they can hold up.

When should a provider have to answer to anyone — before it opens, or after?

States moved on both ends of that question this year. Some states changed the rules for approving a new school. Kansas considered setting a default-approval deadline so a slow authorizer cannot just sit on an application,1 Indiana barred a district from authorizing a school it is converting,2 and South Carolina added disclosure and accountability rules for the organizations doing the authorizing.3 Other states changed what happens once a provider is already up and running: Mississippi’s proposed Education Freedom Act and parallel protections in Utah and Iowa bar regulators from touching curriculum, admissions, or hiring once a provider is part of a public program.4 Neither approach resolves the other. A state can rework who gets to approve a new school and still let that school operate with almost no oversight once it is open, or vice versa.

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
The real question the field must answer is not whether providers should be accountable but at what point in the process that accountability is supposed to live.

Is district enrollment starting to lose its place as the gateway to public resources?

ESAs and vouchers get most of the attention in school choice debates, but open enrollment reforms, extracurricular access bills, and transcript acceptance requirements are all pushing in the same direction. Individually, none of them amounts to a structural shift, but together they chip away at the idea that a child has to be enrolled in a specific district school to use what it offers. That shows up in policies ranging from Iowa’s extracurricular access rules5 to West Virginia’s transcript acceptance requirements for students coming from outside the traditional public school system.6

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
Portability of public resources is worth watching closely. If district enrollment stops being the gateway, a lot of policies built around that assumption may need a second look.

 

Theme 1: Expanding Open Enrollment, With Conditions

Open enrollment is the simplest form of portability. It lets families enroll a child in a public school outside their home district, with no private school, no voucher, no scholarship organization involved. In 2026, legislators in roughly a half-dozen states took it up, pushing on the policy in both directions.

THEME 1 — EXAMPLES

Examples on the expansion side:

  • New Hampshire’s Legislature considered establishing statewide mandatory open enrollment, which would have required every public school district to accept transfer students up to capacity.7 
  • Nebraska changed its open enrollment program so that siblings of already-enrolled option students receive first priority for admission.8 
  • Mississippi considered removing the requirement that the sending district consent to a transfer, meaning a family’s right to move their child would no longer depend on cooperation from the district they are leaving.9

 

Examples on the contraction side:

  • Iowa considered legislation that would have made chronic absenteeism a barrier to transfer: Students who are chronically absent, in a school engagement process, or under an absenteeism prevention plan cannot transfer to another district until those conditions are resolved, unless the receiving district approves.10
  • Iowa also extended the period during which students who transfer under open enrollment are ineligible to compete in athletics.11
  • Georgia enacted legislation to prevent district virtual schools with consistently low performance ratings from enrolling students from outside the district.12

 

 

Theme 2: Broadening Access to Existing Public Programs

Roughly a half-dozen states considered or passed legislation opening up publicly funded programs, including CTE courses, extracurriculars, and JROTC, to students who do not attend district schools. What these bills share is a quiet challenge to a foundational assumption: that enrolling in a traditional K-12 school is what makes a student eligible for what the district offers. As more students learn outside traditional district schools, that assumption is being tested.

THEME 2 — EXAMPLES

  • Alabama considered legislation requiring schools with JROTC programs to open them to home-schooled and private school students who live in the attendance zone and are dependents of active-duty military families.13 
  • Georgia considered expanding access for home-school and private school students to CTE courses at college and career academies in the same region, with per-pupil funding following those students to the hosting school, though participation by school districts would be voluntary.14 
  • Iowa expanded extracurricular access for students enrolled in online programs through open enrollment, allowing them to participate in activities at their resident district when the online school they are enrolled in does not offer those activities.15 
  • West Virginia required public schools to accept transcripts and credentials from charter schools, private schools, home-school programs, microschool programs, and Hope Scholarship programs as valid records of prior academic performance for placement and credit assignment, removing a barrier for students transferring into traditional public schools from any of those settings.16

 

Theme 3: Redesigning the Flow of Funds

School choice programs can look good on paper and still fail families if the money does not move smoothly. Fragile payment systems, unclear funding flows, or administration housed inside institutions that have reasons to keep enrollment small all create friction that families and providers experience as program failure, regardless of what the statute says.17 How a program moves money is a design choice with real consequences for families. States with established programs are learning this lesson and are looking to rebuild accordingly.

THEME 3 — EXAMPLES

  • Georgia considered several pieces of legislation to revise its Promise Scholarship Account program, including a measure that would have updated accreditation standards for participating private schools, adjusted how account funds are allocated, and revised reporting requirements for the Education Savings Authority.18 
  • Louisiana passed legislation authorizing its Tuition Trust Authority to contract with a private program manager for administration of its START K12, START college savings, and ABLE disability savings account programs, as well as investment of account funds currently managed through the state treasurer.19 
  • Utah passed two pieces of legislation affecting separate scholarship programs. The first modifies the universal Utah Fits All ESA to restructure how funds are disbursed, separate program management from financial administration, and explicitly bar organizations structured to circumvent the program’s private school funding rules.20 The second aligns the Carson Smith Opportunity Scholarship for students with disabilities more closely with the Fits All program by harmonizing eligibility requirements and expense definitions.21

 

Theme 4: Expanding the Provider Environment

Most school choice debates focus on demand: Can families access the schools available to them? Less attention goes to the supply side: Can new kinds of schools get off the ground at all? The 2026 session saw more than a dozen states working on exactly that, reducing the barriers to entry, improving access to facilities, and reforming who gets to approve new schools. Three sub-patterns stand out.

THEME 4 — EXAMPLES

Some states made it easier for new types of schools to open.

  • Georgia created a new category of dropout recovery charter schools designed to serve students at high risk of not completing school, with the State Board of Education directed to develop separate rules, regulations, and performance standards for them, and the Governor’s Office of Student Achievement required to report on their outcomes separately.22 
  • Iowa’s omnibus education bill made it easier to run microschools by amending the “independent private instruction” category (a lightly regulated Iowa category for small, unaccredited private or religious programs exempt from most rules that apply to schools) so these programs can now enroll more than four unrelated students and charge tuition.23 
  • Utah changed the rules for microschools so that the number of students a facility can serve is determined by the building’s size and safety codes, up to a maximum of 100 students, rather than a flat cap, and confirmed that microschools can operate in buildings in any zone, not just areas already designated for schools.24 
  • Indiana made it easier for successful charter operators to expand by allowing a single organization to partner with multiple school districts at once, with each district required to pass through 100% of state funding for its students enrolled in the school.25

 

Several states changed the rules around how charter schools access facilities.

  • Mississippi passed legislation imposing a 12-month deadline on charter schools’ right of first refusal to buy or lease closed public school buildings, after which the district is free to sell to others.26 
  • Missouri’s House passed legislation to stop local governments from using deed restrictions, legal conditions written into a property’s title that limit how it can be used, to block charter schools from occupying buildings that had previously been used for education, and to void any such restrictions already on the books.27 
  • West Virginia considered similar right-of-first-refusal legislation in the Senate.28 
  • Maryland went further, passing a law requiring the governor to include $200 per charter school student in the annual budget beginning in fiscal year 2028 for capital improvements, debt service, or rent and lease payments, to be distributed through the Interagency Commission on School Construction.29

 

Some states considered who gets to decide whether a new school can open.

  • Kansas considered a provision that would automatically approve applications for its flexible district program if the State Board of Education failed to act within 30 days.30 
  • Indiana created a new pathway allowing a school corporation’s governing body to vote to convert one or more of its own public schools into charter schools, with the requirement that the converting district may not serve as the authorizer of the school it converts.31 
  • South Carolina overhauled its charter authorization framework, adding financial disclosure and transaction reporting requirements for management companies, expanding accountability duties for authorizers, including new conflict-of-interest prohibitions and enforcement mechanisms, and requiring nonprofit affiliates of higher education institutions that serve as authorizers to operate under the oversight and control of their parent institution’s governing body.32

 

 

Theme 5: Locking in Provider Autonomy

A handful of states moved to write into law what the government can and cannot do to private providers once they are participating in publicly funded programs. The provisions showing up across this legislation include defining private providers as not agents of the government; prohibiting regulators from controlling curriculum, admissions, or hiring practices at participating schools; and codifying that rules placing an undue burden on providers are invalid. Not all of these bills passed, but the pattern is appearing in enough places to be an emerging trend worth following.

THEME 5 — EXAMPLES

  • Mississippi’s proposed Education Freedom Act, which would have created Magnolia Student Accounts for eligible students, explicitly prohibits the fund manager from regulating curriculum, instructional methods, admissions policies, or hiring practices at participating schools and clarifies that participation in the program does not make a provider a state actor.33 
  • Utah barred the manager of its universal Utah Fits All ESA from making a participating school change its admissions, hiring, or curriculum to receive funds34 and gave its Carson Smith Opportunity Scholarship for students with disabilities the same protection by defining a qualifying provider as one that is autonomous and not an agent of the state.35 
  • Iowa’s omnibus education bill codified that the state may not impose regulations on nonpublic schools beyond what is needed to implement the accreditation framework, and that rules placing an undue burden on participating schools are invalid.36

Rewriting the Rules on Learning and Credentials

In 2026 state legislative sessions, lawmakers continued grappling with a fundamental set of questions: Who gets to decide that K-12 learning happened, what counts as proof, and what does it all cost? For decades, the answer was fixed — put in the seat time, earn a district-issued diploma, and colleges and employers take it from there. That default has been loosening for years, and in this session, the shift surfaced in statehouses across the country. The old path is being reconsidered from several directions at once. Who certifies learning is opening up to employers and apprenticeships; what counts as proof now includes demonstrated skills, micro-credentials, and alternate diplomas; and even established pathways are being reexamined, as programs such as dual enrollment grow large enough that the question shifts from how to expand them to what they cost. The common thread is that certifying learning is no longer the school district’s job alone; employers, colleges, state agencies, and credentials earned outside the classroom all have a hand in it.

Bellwether tracked roughly 200 K-12 bills on credentialing, seat time, and pathway flexibility that passed at least one state legislative chamber. Across those bills, five themes stood out:

  1. Work-Based Learning Barriers: States are working to clear legal and structural barriers, such as unclear liability, child-labor rules, and licensing age floors, that keep work-based learning from scaling.
  2. Dual Enrollment Guardrails: Dual enrollment has scaled fast enough to attract fiscal scrutiny, and states are moving in both directions at once, broadening access in some places while capping credits and restricting delivery in others.
  3. CTE Pathways: Industry credentials are being repurposed as a teacher supply mechanism, opening direct routes from the trades into CTE classrooms rather than treating those credentials only as a student outcome. 
  4. The Changing Diploma: The diploma itself is being rewritten: what it signals, how students earn it, and who the system is designed to credential in the first place.
  5. Postsecondary Pathway Infrastructure: States are building the shared infrastructure (common applications, transcript standards, transfer guarantees) that makes postsecondary pathway programs work.

These five themes point to the same underlying tension: States are moving quickly to widen who can enter these pathways and how, but far more slowly to build the systems that determine whether that access pays off. 

Are states removing barriers to access faster than they are building the systems that make access mean anything?

A clear throughline in this year’s legislative session is that states are moving the entry point earlier and closer to where students already are. Students can enter apprenticeships at age 14 instead of age 16, earn an equivalency credential before turning 18, qualify for dual enrollment with a 2.0 GPA instead of a 3.0, and take a paid, credit-bearing practicum brought onto a rural campus rather than traveling to an employer. That impulse cuts across work-based learning, dual enrollment, and the diploma itself. But the measurement systems that would show whether the access pays off: transcripts that record what students earned, transfer agreements that honor what students earned, tracking that follows students past graduation are largely unchanged. This does not mean the bar has been lowered; rather, no one has built the means to know either way.

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
Expansion is easy to legislate, but without systems to track what happens next, states cannot tell which learning and credentialing reforms work and risk continuing to widen access with no way to course-correct.

The line between high school and postsecondary is dissolving, but who is managing the handoff?

Dual enrollment, CTE credentials that convert to college credit, and state-issued micro-credentials designed to be portable across employers all assume a fluid boundary between K-12 and higher education. West Virginia’s new micro-credential program is explicitly built to convert to college credit later;37 Louisiana added dual enrollment credit as a qualifying criterion for a state scholarship;38 Kansas weighed requiring colleges to accept high school work-readiness credentials toward a technical degree.39 Yet the receiving institutions have not caught up. Credits still do not transfer cleanly, and postsecondary admissions offices do not have a shared read on what a multipathway diploma represents. States are legislating as if K-12 and higher education are already coordinated, when in practice they still operate as separate systems with separate rules.

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
The open question is who is responsible for making the transition work. The policies assume students will move smoothly from one system to the next, but no agency, institution, or office has been given that responsibility.

As employers move from consuming credentials to co-producing them, who owns the credential and who is accountable if it does not lead to gainful employment for students?

Employers are moving upstream, from receiving graduates to helping shape what those graduates learn and what their credentials are worth. Alabama’s TRAIN Act pays businesses to loan employees to high schools as CTE instructors;40 Louisiana created a legal framework for a company to run a credit-bearing practicum on a public school campus;41 Kentucky paired its new alternate diploma for students with disabilities with a state-maintained list of employers willing to hire its holders.42 Across credentialing, work-based learning, and the diploma, the value of the credential is increasingly guaranteed in part by employer participation rather than by the school system alone. That is promising for signaling — a credential an employer helped design is one an employer is more likely to trust — but it complicates ownership and accountability.

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
What happens when the partnership between a district and an employer frays? If an employer co-produces the credential and the jobs later fail to materialize, it is unclear who is accountable to the student left holding it.

 

Theme 1: Clearing the Barriers to Work-Based Learning

Work-based learning has been a policy priority for years, and its persistent gaps are well documented: too few employer partners, students without transportation to worksites, programs that exist on paper but do not place students.43 States have tried to address these challenges through program design, funding, and coordination. In 2026, a cluster of bills targeted the specific legal and structural barriers — unclear liability, child-labor laws that inadvertently exclude work-based learning placements, licensing age floors that block apprenticeship entry, no worksite access for rural students — that program design alone cannot fix.

THEME 1 — EXAMPLES

  • Indiana clarified the legal framework for work-based learning, requiring the employer and whichever entity places the student (an intermediary, industry talent association, or school) to sign a written agreement making the employer responsible for workers’ compensation coverage and bringing participating students into the workers’ compensation system.44 
  • West Virginia updated its child-labor law to spell out which jobs students ages 16 or older can and cannot do through a youth apprenticeship program, clarifying categories of employment that had previously been governed mainly by general references to federal hazardous-occupation rules.45 
  • Tennessee enacted a carve-out from its child-labor law allowing high school students ages 16 or older who have completed at least two courses in the education and training career cluster to work in childcare centers both outside school hours and during school hours through a work-based learning program.46 
  • West Virginia considered lowering the minimum age to enter a barber and cosmetology apprenticeship from age 16 to age 14 and directing the Department of Education to help administer apprenticeships for 14- and 15-year-olds. It also weighed lowering the professional licensure age in those trades from 18 to age 16.47 
  • Louisiana’s Learn and Earn Act addressed a different barrier entirely: For rural students without worksite access, the employer comes to them. The bill created a legal framework for a business partner to operate a compensated, credit-bearing career practicum on a public high school campus, employing students directly under a cooperative agreement satisfying state constitutional standards for public-private arrangements.48

 

Theme 2: Managing Dual Enrollment at Scale

Nationally, dual enrollment has grown substantially over the past decade.49 In 2026, state legislatures both expanded the program and moved to rein it in. Some moved to contain it, capping state-funded credits, narrowing eligibility, or restricting online delivery, while others moved to widen it, lowering GPA thresholds or opening it to new groups of students. After a decade in which growth was the national story, the notable shift is that constraint has become a visible part of the conversation: Some states are now weighing what participation produces and what it costs, and access that keeps expanding is increasingly paired with caps and conditions.

THEME 2 — EXAMPLES

Examples on the expansion side:

  • Maine lowered the GPA threshold for its dual enrollment subsidy from 3.0 to 2.0, broadening access, while capping the total number of subsidized postsecondary credits a student can receive.50 
  • Louisiana added dual enrollment credit as a third qualifying criterion for its TOPS-Tech scholarship (which funds tuition for students pursuing technical and vocational programs), allowing students who meet the early college credit threshold to substitute it for either the GPA or test score requirement.51 
  • Wisconsin attempted to require the University of Wisconsin system and private colleges to enter a new 36-credit general education transfer agreement, lowering technical college eligibility from 10th to eighth grade and guaranteeing dual enrollment credits transfer to private colleges by the 2027-28 school year.52

 

Examples on the contraction side:

  • Washington limited the maximum funded enrollment (in full-time equivalents) per Running Start student, a rollback on one of the country’s most established dual enrollment programs.53 
  • Iowa sought to require that a concurrent enrollment student take the in-person version of a community college course when one is offered, unless the school superintendent authorizes the online version.54 
  • Oklahoma amended its concurrent enrollment law to cap participation at students under 21 (ages 13 to 20), excluding older learners, while routing adults seeking to finish high school to the separate adult high school completion program.55

 

 

Theme 3: Rerouting the Credential-to-Classroom Pipeline

Most conversations about industry credentials in K-12 focus on students earning them. In 2026, several states took a different view: The professionals who hold those credentials are also a solution to the CTE teacher shortage. CTE teaching vacancies consistently outpace those in other subjects,56 and the traditional certification pipeline was not designed with industry professionals in mind.57 Several states stopped waiting for that pipeline to fix itself and started building direct routes from industry into classrooms.

THEME 3 — EXAMPLES

  • Alabama enacted the TRAIN Act, paying employers to loan their employees to high schools. The bill creates a tax credit, capped at $10 million annually, for businesses that temporarily assign qualified employees as CTE instructors in public high schools and community colleges, paired with a new Workforce Teaching Certificate for those instructors.58 
  • Alabama also created a fast track for experienced out-of-state CTE teachers, allowing those who hold a valid out-of-state certificate, are recommended by a local superintendent, and pass a background check to begin teaching in Alabama public high schools without navigating the standard certification process.59 
  • Maryland allowed a department-sponsored registered teaching apprenticeship to substitute for the standard teaching-ability assessment in initial certification, making on-the-job preparation a legitimate route to a license.60 
  • Kentucky considered creating a grow-your-own pipeline through its Dual Credit Scholarship Program, funding up to 20 dual-credit courses for high school students in registered teacher apprenticeship programs, with a district hiring commitment attached.61

 

Theme 4: Rewriting the Terms of a Diploma

Several states moved beyond adjusting graduation requirements and started restructuring what the diploma itself means and who can access it. The mechanisms vary — multiple graduation tracks, seat-time flexibility, competency-based test-outs, alternative credentials for students with disabilities, and equivalency pathways opened earlier in the high school sequence. What they share is a common direction. A diploma should reflect the path a student took and what they can demonstrate, not just the minimum threshold they cleared, and it should be reachable by students who existing structures have historically left without a credential at all. This trend is worth tracking because postsecondary institutions and employers have long used the diploma as a standardized signal. However, as states multiply the pathways to earning one, that signal carries less uniform information, and colleges and employers have not yet worked out how to respond.

THEME 4 — EXAMPLES

Some states considered what a diploma represents.

  • West Virginia directed its Board of Education to establish four named graduation pathways — Academic (College-Preparatory), Workforce, Career and Technical Education and Skilled Trades, and Military — each with common requirements and its own additional standards.62 
  • Virginia considered legislation that would direct its Board of Education to develop alternative graduation pathways for the Standard Diploma, including at least one pathway based on demonstrated competency rather than passing state assessments.63 
  • Virginia also passed legislation requiring any future changes to graduation requirements to apply only to incoming ninth graders, protecting students already in the pipeline from midstream rule changes.64
  • Utah passed three laws addressing the graduation seat-time requirement. One bill provided that attendance-based high schools measure the school year in credit hours instead of days;65 a second made competency-based programs eligible for the same per-student funding as traditional classrooms, as long as schools can show they are meeting a set of accountability standards;66 and a third required the state board to establish test-out options for core high school courses, allowing students to earn credit by demonstrating proficiency without taking the course.67 
  • West Virginia considered putting competency demonstrations on equal legal footing with course credits and test scores as valid bases for meeting graduation requirements.68 
  • West Virginia also created a statewide micro-credential program to standardize how skills learned in or outside formal schooling get recognized, with credentials meant to be shareable across employers and educators. The legislation authorizes the West Virginia Higher Education Policy Commission to work toward making some micro-credentials convertible into college credit.69

 

Other states changed who can earn a diploma.

  • Nebraska removed the age-18 requirement for receiving a high school equivalency diploma, so a person who otherwise qualifies no longer has to wait to turn 18.70 
  • Arizona expanded access to high school equivalency preparation in its accommodation schools (county-run programs serving students who cannot attend traditional schools) to 11th graders ages 16 and up, alongside existing 12th-grade eligibility, as long as students are simultaneously enrolled in a CTE program leading to a credential.71 
  • Indiana extended its high school equivalency pilot program through 2028 and opened it to students under 18, provided they complete a career readiness program, pass a readiness assessment, and receive a recommendation from a school official or judge.72 
  • Kentucky created a two-tiered alternative diploma structure for students with disabilities — an alternate diploma and a modified diploma — with the Department of Workforce Development required to maintain a list of employers willing to hire holders of the alternate diploma, pairing the credential with an explicit labor market signal.73

 

 

Theme 5: Building the Infrastructure Behind the Programs

Across the themes in this brief, a common pattern emerges: States are investing in the coordination infrastructure that makes programs work, not launching new ones. This shows up in dual enrollment, in work-based learning, and in credentialing. A dual enrollment program with a separate application at every college is not a pathway. A high school credential that never lands on a transcript or transfers to postsecondary is a credential in name only. A work-based learning program with no answer for who is liable when a student is hurt is not a functioning program. States with established programs are recognizing this and responding with shared systems, shared standards, and shared accountability — the coordination infrastructure that should have been built years ago.

THEME 5 — EXAMPLES

  • Louisiana passed a law requiring every public college to use one shared application for dual enrollment (unless an institution opts out), allowing high school students to apply once instead of navigating a different form at every campus.74 
  • Connecticut built a model secondary-postsecondary agreement, a statewide dual enrollment coordinator tracking outcomes by district, and a fee-waiver grant program barring colleges from charging high-need students.75 
  • Kansas considered legislation requiring postsecondary institutions to accept work-readiness credentials earned by high school students as transferable credit toward a technical degree.76

Where Schools Draw the Line on AI

As AI spreads through schools, the question for policymakers is no longer whether it belongs there but how to govern it. Bellwether reviewed approximately 60 K-12 AI-and-education bills that advanced in state legislatures in the 2026 session. Most cluster into a familiar set of themes — acceptable-use policies, AI literacy, educator training, student-data protection, advisory bodies, and family transparency — and other organizations, including ExcelinEd and FutureEd, have already documented them in depth.77 Looking at the same bills, Bellwether found an additional pattern: A small set of bills asks not how schools should use AI, but which decisions they should refuse to hand over to it. In these states, lawmakers began naming the decision-making that must stay with humans. It surfaced in three areas:

  1. Teacher Evaluation: Keeping AI out of the summative judgment on a teacher’s performance while allowing its use for administrative support.
  2. Student Discipline and School Safety: Barring automated systems from being the sole basis for disciplining a student, and requiring human investigation and context before a school acts on an alert or risk flag.
  3. Grading and Feedback: Requiring educator oversight of classroom-facing AI and keeping the tools from being the primary basis for student grades, promotion, or retention decisions.

Two questions run underneath these bills — one an open tension between protecting judgment and preserving AI’s benefits, and one a legislative design choice about how durable these guardrails will be.

How can schools protect consequential, high-stakes decisions from AI without letting that same instinct sweep in routine, low-stakes uses — the quick feedback and time savings that make classroom AI worth having?

Firm AI guardrails make sense for teacher evaluation, discipline, promotion, and retention; decisions with real consequences that should not be made by a model. But broad human-review mandates can pull in low-stakes uses, too. If every AI-generated practice comment must be reviewed before a student sees it, schools lose much of the quick feedback and time savings that make the tools useful. These guardrails arrive amid a broader backlash against AI and Big Tech, and “keep humans in charge of the big decisions” could easily harden into “keep AI out of the classroom” mandates. 

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
The education sector must draw a clear line between consequential decisions, which warrant firm human control and oversight, and routine practice and feedback, for which lighter oversight keeps the benefits of nimble AI intact.

Should these types of AI-in-education state laws explicitly name “AI” at all?

Most of the state bills analyzed in this brief wrote their limits around the technology: Illinois restricts an “artificial intelligence tool,”78 Oklahoma regulates “AI tools,”79 and Idaho directs a statewide “generative AI framework.”80 Washington is the instructive exception: Its proposed prohibition attaches to the decision — a school may not use an automated decision system as the sole or determinative basis for a discipline action — and it defines that system by what it does rather than what it’s called.81 That’s the more durable design.

 

IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FIELD
A law written around “AI” will age badly as the technology blurs into everyday software; a law written around who is accountable for a consequential decision about a student holds regardless of the label. As these policies mature, the useful move is the one Washington already models: name the high-stakes decision that has to stay with a person, rather than the latest technology. What sets these bills apart is that they go a step past the familiar call to keep a human in the loop. Rather than only requiring someone to review an AI output, they ask whether a task should be handed to AI at all. That line gets drawn differently across the three areas noted in this section.

 

Teacher Evaluation

Evaluation is where the line between judgment and administration is drawn most explicitly. Lawmakers are comfortable letting AI handle the paperwork around a teacher’s performance but not the verdict. 

Illinois signed Senate Bill 2909 into law in July, and it is the clearest example of this theme in action. The bill amends the state’s teacher evaluation law to prohibit evaluators from using AI to assign a numerical score or qualitative rating for any component of a teacher evaluation, or for any evaluation task requiring professional judgment. It still allows AI tools to support administrative tasks.82

The bill places a parallel limit on teachers. A teacher may not use an AI tool to generate evidence of professional practice that an evaluator will use to judge their performance, though teachers, like evaluators, may still use AI for administrative tasks. Those permitted administrative uses carry a transparency requirement that runs both ways: An evaluator who uses an AI tool must disclose its name and specific purpose to the teacher, and a teacher who uses one must disclose the same to the evaluator. Separately, the joint committee that governs the district’s evaluation plan decides how AI tools may be used across its components.83

The bill is a fairly targeted guardrail, as it does not appear to prevent an evaluator from using an AI transcription tool or drafting support, but the final act of evaluation judgment cannot be delegated to a tool.

 

Student Discipline and School Safety

Discipline decisions raise the stakes further, since an automated flag or risk score can trigger real consequences — removal from a classroom, a law enforcement referral — before a human ever weighs in. Several states are moving to guarantee that a person, not a system, makes that call.

Washington Senate Bill 5956, which passed the Senate, touches on a similar concern but in the context of student discipline.84 The bill is grounded in the legislature’s finding that public schools are beginning to use AI, automated decision systems (i.e., a computational process that “makes or materially influences decisions or recommendations concerning a student,”85 such as flagging a student at risk of dropping out),86 and surveillance technologies in ways that can affect student discipline and school safety. It is also grounded in the legislature’s finding that these tools can amplify existing disparities. The bill’s stated intent includes ensuring that automated decision systems do not replace the judgment of trained school personnel in discipline-related decisions.

The bill would require that an automated decision system may not be the sole or determinative basis for any student discipline-related decision. The bill would also prohibit emergency removal, suspension, expulsion, law enforcement referral, or assignment to an alternative education setting based only on an automated prediction, score, or classification, or on surveillance data, without independent human investigation and consideration of context.87 In practice, a school could still receive an alert or review data from a safety system. But before acting, school personnel would need to review the context and make an independent judgment. 

Oklahoma’s Senate Bill 1734, now enacted as the Oklahoma Responsible Technology in Schools Act, also touches on student discipline by specifying that AI tools may not be used as the primary basis for discipline, among other higher-stakes educational decisions.88

 

Grading and Feedback

Grading and feedback sit closest to the classroom’s daily rhythm, which is why the guardrails here carry the most risk of overreach.

Oklahoma’s Responsible Technology in Schools Act, as enacted, is more notable for how far it reaches into everyday classroom practice. It not only limits AI use in formal discipline or placement decisions, as mentioned above, but it also requires classroom- and student-facing AI tools to be used under the direction of an educator, with AI outputs reviewed by an educator or authorized school employee before they are used in instruction, feedback, assessment, or decision-making. The law also says AI tools may not be used as the primary basis for student grading, placement, promotion, retention, or other higher-stakes educational decisions.89

That language reflects the same concern running through other state bills included in this analysis: Schools should not hand over judgment to AI systems. However, Oklahoma’s approach could have broader practical effects because it applies not only to final decisions but also to instruction and feedback. Depending on how districts interpret the law, it could limit some tools designed to give students quick feedback or help teachers review student work more efficiently.90 

Idaho enacted Senate Bill 1227, which takes a less prescriptive approach but points in a similar direction.91 The law directs the state’s Department of Education to develop a statewide generative AI (GenAI) framework that prioritizes human-centered oversight and ensures that AI does not replace or eliminate human teachers. It also describes GenAI in education as tools that may assist educator decision-making while keeping human judgment as the final authority. Unlike Oklahoma, Idaho leaves more of the details to the state framework and local policy. However, the underlying signal is that states are beginning to determine what decisions should be left to teachers, not AI.

Appendix: Methodology

The “Structural Signals” series draws on a scan of 2026 K-12 education legislation in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The work was designed, overseen, and interpreted by Bellwether analysts and aided by AI tools at specific, defined steps.

 

Scope

This legislative scan was not an exhaustive attempt to catalog everything state legislatures did in education in 2026. Instead, it targeted bills with substantive provisions in three structural education policy categories:

  1. Funding portability and provider expansion, including education savings accounts, vouchers, open enrollment with funding portability, microschools, course-level funding, and scholarship tax credits.
  2. Credentialing, seat-time, and pathway flexibility, including competency-based credit, seat-time waivers, industry-credential integration, credit for prior learning, and cross-sector workforce pathways.
  3. AI governance and system modernization, including AI procurement standards, AI-use policies, educator training mandates, pilot programs, cross-agency data integration, and student-data privacy related to AI.

One deliberate threshold applied throughout this analysis: A bill had to have passed at least one state legislative chamber to be in scope. A bill that cleared a chamber but stalled before enactment still reflects genuine momentum, so it stayed in; a bill that died in committee, however notable, is outside the scope of this analysis.

 

Data

LegiScan bulk datasets were used, covering all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Each dataset contains every bill introduced in a state’s 2026 session, along with its title, description, sponsor and committee history, progress milestones, and other metadata. The full bill text was pulled only after filtering down the full list of bills. A bill’s title and summary rarely reveal the provisions that matter for this analysis; those are often buried deep in the text, which is why the full document is what gets classified once the universe of potentially relevant bills is narrowed.

 

Narrowing the Field

Every introduced bill analyzed in this series passed through a sequence of filters on its way to becoming a viable candidate pool. The first six filters were rule-based; the seventh filter used an AI model. A separate audit step (described below) ran alongside these filters to catch bills the rules missed.

  1. Drop federal legislation. This series focuses exclusively on state-level policy; U.S. Congress bills were omitted.
  2. Keep only bills. LegiScan tagged each instrument by type. Only formal bills (the kind that become statutes) were kept; resolutions, memorials, and proclamations were set aside.
  3. Match the K-12 topic vocabulary. A bill had to reference K-12 education terms in its subject tags, title, or description. This screen is intentionally permissive: It casts a wide net over anything plausibly K-12-related, and it lets higher-education bills through, because credentialing and pathway bills frequently span K-12 and postsecondary.
  4. Confirm an education-related committee referral. A bill had to have been referred, currently or historically, to a committee whose name signals education, workforce, or a related area. This removed bills that touch schools only incidentally (healthcare, transportation, real estate licensing) and were never seriously routed through education policy channels.
  5. Require passage of at least one chamber. A bill had to show chamber passage in its current status or its history.
  6. Require some type of action in 2026. A bill had to have had some movement in 2026. 
  7. Classify relevance with an AI model. Every bill that cleared the prior filters had its full text read by an AI model against the three category definitions. The model returned a yes-or-no verdict and a one-sentence justification for each bill.

Two of the rule-based screens (Steps 3 and 4) included an AI carve-out: Any bill whose title or description mentions AI-related vocabulary (e.g., artificial intelligence, machine learning, automated decision systems, algorithmic tools, student-data privacy, longitudinal data systems, and similar terms) bypassed the topic and committee screens entirely. This carve-out existed because AI-in-education bills are sometimes written without K-12 keywords and are frequently routed through technology, innovation, or government operations committees rather than education committees. Without the AI carve-out step, those bills would have been erroneously omitted.

 

The Audit

To guard against the keyword-and-committee filter missing bills (especially creatively named ones), the bills the rule-based filters rejected were periodically audited. Every chamber-passed bill that the topic or committee screens had excluded had its title and description sent to the AI model in batches, alongside a calibration sample of bills already judged relevant, and the model flagged any whose title or description signaled that they should have stayed in. Flagged bills were then routed back through the pipeline and classified against their full text. 

This audit recovered specific bills, which were appended directly to the candidate pool even when the rules would not have caught them on their own. It also improved the rules themselves as the model reviewed the existing keyword patterns against the rejected pool and proposed terms to add. The expanded term lists in the topic and committee screens came directly from this feedback. The first audit alone surfaced 112 bills that had been wrongly excluded — most of them AI bills that never mentioned K-12 topics in their titles or descriptions.

After Bellwether analysts confirmed whether the bucketing was correct, Anthropic’s Claude read each bill and created a short description of its key features. Bellwether’s team used that description along with the rationale of the bucketing to help identify the themes. 

 

Human Oversight

The filters and audit together produced a viable candidate pool of roughly 570 bills. That pool was the starting point for Bellwether’s human analysis. Bellwether analysts reviewed the candidates against the full bill text, set aside those that did not hold up on closer reading, and organized the rest by category. The set of final bills discussed across the “Structural Signals” series’ three briefs is roughly 390 bills: approximately 130 in funding portability and provider expansion, roughly 200 in credentialing and pathway flexibility, and roughly 60 in AI governance and system modernization.

 

Stage Approximate Count
All state-level bills introduced this session 150,000
After K-12 topic match (or AI carve-out) 25,000-30,000
After education committee filter (or AI carve-out) 7,000-9,000
After chamber passage filter 3,000-3,200
After appending audit-flagged bills 3,000-3,200
After AI relevance classification (candidate pool) 570
After human review (analyzed across the briefs) 390

 

 

Reviewing, Coding, and Analyzing the Candidate Bills

Once the triage pipeline produced the set of bills, the project moved from selection to analysis in three stages: a second review of the initial categorization, structured coding of each bill, and early theme development. Each stage paired the AI model with human review.

 

A. Reviewing the Initial Categorization

Starting from the full set of candidate bills, the model conducted a second review of the initial categorization (i.e., the assignment of each bill to one of the three policy areas) as a check on the triage step. The model did two things in this pass. First, it flagged bills where the actual bill text conflicted with the original triage reasoning (17 bills). For long bills, this review relied on partial reads of extracted summaries rather than the full text. Second, it rated its own confidence in each bill’s categorization as high, medium, or low. Human review then covered:

  • All flagged bills.
  • All low-confidence bills.
  • Approximately 10% of the medium- and high-confidence bills, as a spot check on classification accuracy.

B. Coding the Bills

Bellwether developed a template, which the model completed for every bill for each of the three topic areas. The template captured:

  • Category: The type of policy within the bill’s area, to help characterize what kind of legislation it is. For example, in funding portability: ESA, voucher, tax credit scholarship, or microschool; in pathways: dual enrollment, work-based learning, industry credential, or competency-based education; in AI: governance policy, literacy curriculum, study, or training.
  • New or Modified: Whether the bill created a new program or law or modified existing law.
  • Summary: One to two sentences on the bill’s focus relative to its category.
  • Notable Provisions: Two to four bullets capturing the most important provisions relative to that category.
  • Surprising: Anything unusual relative to a typical bill in that area.
  • Review Flag: Set when a borderline call needed human review.
  • Coding Rationale: A short description of why a bill was flagged for review.

Funding portability came first, and its approach differed slightly. For that category, the model read a sample of the bills and suggested the template categories. An initial attempt to code additional detail (the type of charter provision, microschool provision, or program structure) proved insufficiently accurate to use in the analysis. That coding was dropped from the analysis, and similar information was not collected for the pathways or AI categories.

Model use and reading approach. For shorter and medium-length bills (often under 30 pages), the model read the full text in small batches, using Claude Opus 4.7 (for “The Maturing School Choice Landscape” analysis) and Claude Opus 4.8 (for the “Rewriting the Rules on Learning and Credentials” and “Where Schools Draw the Line on AI” analyses). Longer bills were handled through manual review or targeted model review; for these, the model first reviewed how the text was marked up (e.g., strikethrough, double-strikethrough, colors) to establish the bill’s structure before coding it.

Review process. Bellwether analysts reviewed all flagged bills, along with 10% of those not flagged. When errors surfaced, the prompt was updated. Most corrections concerned whether a bill should be included at all; for example, flagging bills that were primarily postsecondary or early-childhood focused, or, for pathways, flagging general teacher-certification pathways with no CTE connection. Occasionally, the errors were interpretive, but most often the errors came from the model describing the bill text as proposing something new when it was only a technical change.

C. Developing Themes

The completed templates were used to identify early themes within each category. Bellwether analysts then reviewed and updated the themes as well as read the full text of each bill cited as an example of a given theme, confirming that it supported the theme it was attached to.

 

Ensuring Rigor When Using AI

AI did a specific, bounded job in this project: It read the full text of thousands of bills and made a first-pass relevance call. It did not decide what the categories mean, which bills made the briefs, or what those bills signal. Those judgments stayed with Bellwether’s team. Several design choices kept the role of AI in check:

  • The model was told to err toward inclusion. The classification prompt instructed the model to flag any bill that arguably touched one of the three areas and to leave the harder calls for human review, rather than making a final exclusion on its own.
  • Bills were routed to different models by length. Shorter bills (under roughly 120,000 characters) went to a faster, lower-cost model, Claude Haiku 4.5. Longer bills, typically omnibus packages where a relevant provision can be buried in one section of many, went to Claude Sonnet 4.6 with an extended-context configuration (a one-million-token beta) so the model read the entire bill rather than only a portion of it. This routing meaningfully improved accuracy on long bills at a modest added cost.
  • The audit loop checked the rules, not just the bills. As described above, the audit was a standing check on false negatives. It repeatedly asked whether the filters were mistakenly dropping bills, and it fed corrections back into the term lists.
  • Every verdict was reviewable, and every relevant bill was spot-checked. For each bill, the classification output recorded its state, identifiers, title, the model’s verdict, and its one-sentence reasoning. Bill texts were then organized into a state-by-relevance folder structure, with a per-state index pairing each bill to the model’s reasoning, so a reviewer could open the underlying text and confirm the verdict against what the bill actually says.

This approach could not guarantee perfection. A large language model classification carries real risks: A model can misread a bill, and its one-sentence justification is a summary of its verdict, not a full account of its reasoning. The safeguards above (an inclusive prompt, the audit loop, length-based routing, and human spot-checks) are designed to catch and correct those errors. The counts and category assignments in the briefs reflect human judgment applied on top of the AI’s first pass, not the AI’s output on its own.

 

Limitations

The scan made deliberate trade-offs in breadth, precision, and feasibility:

  • The topic screen was keyword-based. A creatively titled bill with no recognized keyword in its subject tags, title, or description can slip past the rules. The audit step mitigated this but could not fully eliminate it; new naming patterns needed another audit pass to surface.
  • Committee names vary by state. Most states use recognizable committee names, but a bill routed only through an unusually named committee could be missed. The AI carve-out covered this for AI bills; bills in the other two categories with unusual routing relied on the audit’s manual recovery.
  • The AI carve-out was keyword-based. It caught bills that use AI vocabulary explicitly, not bills framed entirely around concepts such as “automated decision tools” or “ed tech procurement” without those exact terms.
  • Bills published only as image-only PDFs could not be classified from text. The pipeline reads extracted text, and a small number of bills, typically from states that publish scanned documents, have none; these were marked as skipped.

Acknowledgments, About the Authors, About Bellwether

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the many experts who gave their time and shared their knowledge with us to inform our work. Thank you also to the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation for its financial support of this project.

We would also like to thank our Bellwether colleagues Carrie Hahnel, Andy Jacob, and Biko McMillan for their input and Alexis Richardson for her support. Thank you to Amy Ribock, Kate Stein, McKenzie Maxson, Esta Sherr, Temim Fruchter, Julie Nguyen, and Amber Walker for shepherding and disseminating this work, and to Super Copy Editors.

The contributions of these individuals and entities significantly enhanced our work; however, any errors in fact or analysis remain the responsibility of the authors.

About the Authors

Linea Koehler

KELLY ROBSON FOSTER

Kelly Robson Foster is a senior associate partner at Bellwether. She can be reached at kelly.foster@bellwether.org.

Linea Koehler

MICHELLE CROFT

Michelle Croft is an associate partner at Bellwether. She can be reached at michelle.croft@bellwether.org.

 


Bellwether is a national nonprofit that works to transform education to ensure young people — especially those furthest from opportunity — achieve outcomes that lead to fulfilling lives and flourishing communities. Founded in 2010, we help mission-driven partners accelerate their impact, inform and influence policy and program design, and bring leaders together to drive change on education’s most pressing challenges. For more, visit bellwether.org.

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